The Flemish-nationalist party Volksunie ceased to exist in 2001. Due to deep divisions within the party, it was decided to organise a referendum in which each party-member could vote for a project, outlining the future of the party. Since none of the three projects managed to obtain a 50 %-majority, a requisite to preserve the party name, the name Volksunie disappeared and the party was split up in two new parties. In this article we tried to answer the question which members voted for which project. A mail survey was held among a sample of Volksunie-members. Explanations for voting behaviour were found in characteristics of voters, their viewpoints on issues and their appreciation of notable party leaders. Finally, we analysed the second preference-party of the Volksunie-members in order to estimate with which existing parties the two new parties could possibly form future alliances.

In May 1998 the Belgian government and Jour opposition parties reached the «Octopus agreement,» deciding on the most comprehensive police reform in Belgian history. However, the problems to which the reform was intended to be a solution were known long before and the basic option of this reform also existed for some time. Hence the research question: why did the reform only take place in May 1998 and not earlier? To answer this question, the paper follows the narrative method: it tells the story that preceded this Octopus agreement from 1980 onwards. That narrative is «codified» in the language of a theoretical framework, a combination of the policy analysis models of Kingdon and Baumgartner and Jones. Together, these models turn out to be very useful to structure the narrative and provide a strong answer to the research question, allowing for analyticgeneralisation andJuture comparison.

Belgium has the particularity ofbeing the only EU Member State to have introduced quotas to its legislation. The type of quota which has been implemented is prioritizing the number, without paying attention to how male and female candidates are positioned on the parties' lists. In the article the author examines the evolution of the number of wamen in Belgian Parliament across time. Comparisons are made within and between parties, before and after the law on quotas. The analysis shows that the effect of quotas to a large degree is dependent on the will of parties to obtain more female representatives. Thus, if the major aim of a legislation on quotas is to impose a balanced gender structure in the representatives' assembly, the legislation ought to consider men's and women's positions on the lists.

In Flanders, the political scene is divided in two by the 'cordon sanitaire': none of the Flemish political parties want to make any political arrangement with the Vlaams Blok (Flemish Bloc), an extreme-right populistic party that is considered to be undemocratic. The undemocratic reproaches not only refer to the extreme-right ideology, but also point at the internal functioning of the Vlaams Blok. In this article we discuss the results of a comparative study of the articles ofassociation ofthe Flemish political parties. This study was set up to test the undemocratic reproaches by practical experience, and shows that the internal organisation ofthe Vlaams Blok reallyfunctions undemocraticly compared to the other Flemish political parties.

In recent years, several authors have stated that emotions have come to play a more important role in political life, especially in political mass mobilisation. Ouring the 1990s, Belgium and other Western countries have indeed witnessed some spectacular examples of emotion-driven mobilisation. In this article, we argue that emotions are not an innovation in political mass-mobilisation. Various examples from the Belgian political history of the 19th and 20th centuries demonstrate that emotions have always been a key factor for explaining the occurrence, the form and the outcome of political protest. The mobilising role of emotions cannot be considered as aquantitative innovation, and therefore the expression 'new emotional movements' does not seem warranted. We make the claim that these recent mobilisations are not typical because of their reliance on emotions, but rather because of their tendency toward de-institutionalisation.