The study of comparative European politics since the 1930s shows a shift from a largely normative and institutional concern with a few larger European countries towards a clear subdiscipline of modern political science. Marked influences were the need to rethink democratie development in the light of the rise of totalitarianism and the rapid decline of democracy in most emerging new states after 1945. The field shows a strand influence of the wish to bring the particular experience of individual countries onto the map of general comparative politics. Thus, one finds the effect of a typical cross-Channel dialogue contrasting Britain and France, the extrapolation of 'polarised pluralism' from an Italian background, the deliberate challenge to the Westminster model from consociational democracy theorists, and the transposition of Norwegian experience onto a Macro-Model of Europe in center-periphery terms. More recent developments also mirror new political developments, e.g., neo-corporatism, the rise and crisis of the welfare state, and concerns about public policy generally. Yet such challenges pale compared to the potential effect which processes of European integration, the decline of bipolar international polities, and above all problems of democratic development in post-totalitarian Eastern and Central Europe, must haveon comparative politics in and on Europe.

In the countries with a strong muslim immigration, the practice and the organization of Islam represent a national and international political stake. The Belgian state, which recognizes and supports the most important cults financially, recognized Islam in 1974. But this cult doesn't still obtain this state support and the questions concerning its organization are more complex than ever. Thelegislation is insufficient and its application almost non-existent. The debates on 'integrism' and hijab have confronted us with the problem of the integrating role of Islam. The Belgian political world seems today to fear the influence of foreign countries on immigrants. All these factors throw light on the history and the present state of the Belgian legislation on the organization of the islamic cult, which this article analyses.

Under EC law, directives are often used to harmonize legislation of the member states. White directives are binding as to the result to be achieved, they leave the "choice ofform and methods" to the member states. These must then transpose or implement the directives in their national legal order within a fixed period of time. According to 1992 data of the Commission of the European Communities, Belgium occupied a seventh place in the transposition ofdirectives in general (93.6% of the total number of directives transposed). With regard to the implementation of White Book directives concerning the European internal market however, Belgium, in June 1992, occupied the last place. A wide variety of administrative and structural problems were responsible for Belgium's delay in the implementation of EC directives. Late 1992, an urgency programme set up by the Belgian government early 1992 began to succeed in making up for part of the arrearage with regard to the transposition of White Book directives. However, only through the further adaption its political and administrative structures to the actual Europeanization of Belgian political life wilt Belgium become adequately prepared for the timely and correct transposition of EC directives. This implies an active administrative and parliamentary participation in the preparation of EC legislation and an early dissemination of information concerning the EC's legislative process.

Since 1974 Belgian traditional sectors (steel, textile, glass, coat,...) have been facing important financial difficulties, which compelled them to seek both increased productivity through more capital intensive techniques, and goods with higher valued added. This twofold evolution implied investments and job-reductions that could hardly have been possible without adequate public policies. As far as steel and textile are concerned those policies used mainly a common scheme based on public financial intervention and social measures. Public financial support required to cover annual losses and investments consisted of either grants or state equities. It amounted to over 200 billions BEF. Besides, policies were designed in favour of people losing their jobs: early retirement was made possible and was even accompanied with tax cuts. However the budgetary cost of those policies is very high, they may be considered successful as Belgian producers now seem able to stand unternational competition.

The debate on the privatization of some public enterprises in Belgium has been reopened. Pros and cons seem to be inspired by ideological and political imperatives rather than by scientific considerations. The way in which similar debates were carried out during Belgian history, highlights some features of the actual debate. This paper traces back the way in which the tensions between thepublic and the private sectors have been approached and regulated. This historical analysis points to some inconsistensies and shortcomings of actual opinions on telecommunications regulation in Belgium, and more generally to the social function of telecommunications in contemporary society.

At first sight, the ecologist voters in Wallonia present some remarkable characteristics: they are much younger, better educated, less religious and less interested in polities than the 'average' voter. When one constructs three- or four ways cross-tables, the high level of education among ecologist voters appears mainly as a 'by-product' of their very low average age. On the contrary, general interest for politics and religious attitudes maintain an effect on their own. So the model that fits the data best is the one that retains those three variables. Those characteristics bring some support to the idea that ecologist vote is mainly a protest vote. On the other side, it may be considered that Ecolo contributes to maintain in the 'electoral field' a potentialy abstentionist population.

Knowledge of the profiles of blank voters and multi-party voters and the underlying dynamics of these forms of voting is very defective. At least three phenomena of political-psychological importance may foster interest in these forms of ambivalent or deviant voting behaviour: 1) so-called political 'homeless' who are interested in politics but notparty-organized 2) political indifference 3) protest voting. Data of a study on social and political attitudes among Brussels students (n = 1393) were used to analyze socio-demographical correlates and attitudinal profiles of blank and multiparty voters. Differentiations among multi-party voters are indeed linked to specific attitudinal profiles.