In 1990, Belgium's domestic political agenda was overshadowed by international events. Developments in Zaire, Rwanda and especially in the Gulf often forced Belgian political leaders to set aside their domestic preoccupations. On the pending constitutional reform issues no substantial progress was made. At the end of 1990, many bills dealing with economic issues awaited parliamentary approval. In the fall, labor and management reached a nationwide inter-industry collective bargaining agreement and a new pension bill was adopted by Parliaiment.

The democratic revolutions in Eastern Europe, the speedy unification process of the two Germanies, growing economic disarray in the Soviet Union and the Gulf War put great pressure on the European Community - and raised high expectations throughout 1990. The external challenges initially seemed to slow down the internal integration process. But by the end of 1990 the Twelve (including Britain after Mrs. Thatcher's resignation) committed themselves to further European political union (stronger institutions, common foreign and security policy, new competences) and European economic union culminating into a central bank and a common currency. The two intergovernmental constitutional conferences on EPU and EMU were installed on December 15. The execution of the internal market programme is on schedule with 70% of the directives adopted by late 1990, although the Commission expressed concern about timely transposition of the directives into national law. The EC's record on external relations is mixed: appreciation for its stepped-up cooperation with Eastern Europe, criticism for its tough stand on agriculture at the Gatt-conference, weak diplomatie performance during the Gulf War.

In 1990, an unprecedented strike of the French-speaking teachers stirred up political life in Belgium. The conflict started in February, when the unions demanded a two percent wage increase. Such an increase had been promised a couple of months earlier to all civil servants in Belgium. However, the Frenchspeaking community could only implement this decision by cuttingjobs. The anger of the teachers was also rooted in a profound malaise about their profession. In May and June, most schools were on strike. The French-speaking community receives a dotation from the federal government, the amount of which is determined by the law of January 1989. Politicians will eventually agree on the necessity of revising this law, but they did not do so in 1990. As a consequence, the Community had to appeal to the Walloon andBrussels Regions for financial aid, so as to be able to meet the demands of the teachers without having to cut jobs. At the cost of a strike which lasted for about six weeks, the teachers have obtained a four percent wage increase. In addition, politicians have formally promised not to take any measures affecting employment until they have received the conclusions of a large-scale study of the educational system in the French-speaking Community. Those conclusions are expected to be available in 1992.

During the last decades Belgium bas undergone a fundamental change in its political structure. lbe state reform of 1970-71 ended the unitary state. Three new territorial divisions were included in the constitution: the linguistic Regions, the Cultural Communities and the Regions. With the state reform of 1980, a further step on the road toward federalization was taken. The Cultural Communities were remodeled into Communities. From that moment on these legislative bodies were also in charge of health and social services. This article looks at the way the Flemish Community has developed its social welf are policy during the last decade. It gives an overview of the legislative work concerning the ten parts of the social welf are sector and of the evolution of the financial means the Flemish Executive has appropriated for it.

This article attempts to assess, in a quantitative way, how security/defense issues have been perceived in Belgium since the early 1970s among the mass public. This period has been characterized by breathtaking changes in the political and military world environment. How have Belgians reacted to these changes? The empirical evidence is based on a secondary analysis of public opinion data from the Eurobarometer series. The picture that emerges from the trend analysis is mixed. On the one hand, orientations towards the peace movement and arms limitations are more positive than before. On the other hand, many other indicators point to an increase in pro-defense orientations. Belgians are also overwhelmingly favorable to the creation of a collective organization for defense.