Phrasing the question is one of the most delicate points of a referendum. A first problem is to choose the most important alternatives. Several procedures to select these alternatives and to avoid some kinds of manipulation, exist. There are a lot of arguments for the voting on principles, but also a lot against. The Swiss criterion for «unity of matter» (to avoid two items in one question) is not workable; a new criterion is proposed. The danger of suggestivity (caused by loaded words, by arguments in the question, or by a failure of communication) is real. Rules to prevent these dangers are discussed. Finally, some remarks are made on the problem «who decides on the question?». A neutral commission is wishful.

The analysis of demonstration locations classified by degree of urbanization shows that demonstrating is an urban phenomenon. Seldom are demonstrations held in thinly populated residential areas. A demonstration can thus be considered among the farms of political action for which the participation stimulating factors are clearly more present in urban areas than in rural areas. The distribution of the demonstrations over the regions indicates that more demonstrating is done in Flanders than in Wallonia. Flemings and 'walloons, moreover, appeared in the streets for different points of confiict during the period from 1953 to 1974. Demonstrations with ideological themes overwhelmingly, and communitarian themes mostly, occurred in Flanders; demonstrations for socioeconomic purposes occurred mostly in Wallonia. Demonstrations in the capital, Brussels, had the most participants on the average in general andalso for the three conflict areas.

A scheme of analysis for separatism is proposed. Its purpose is twofold: to indicate the essential factors in a separatist process, and to explain the waves of active and « dead » separatist activity. The central idea is the distinction between three dimensions in the separatist process: conflict, mobilization and collective action. Both dimension on its own is determined by certain factors. Conflict depends on contradictions of identity and interest structure between people and nation. Mobilization is primarily a function of the social, economic and political opportunities of the people as against the nation. Collective action is the result of the presence, strength and behaviour of the elite and social movement in people and nation. Evolution from one dimension to the next one depends upon the factors of the dimensions involved and on a) the policy of the nation (and perhaps the people) and b) the societal changes caused by the modernization process. Finally one can explain inactive and active periods by verifying the presence or absence of these nine factors. It seems then that there are false and real « dead » periods, and that some separatist activity has a sound basis white other has not.

Since its success in the European elections of the 17th ]une 84, the National Front of J.M. Le Pen represents today the extreme right which had disappeared as a political force, if not as a way of thinking in France. With 10,95 % of the votes cast, the National Front becomes a political force which must be taken into account, especially when by-elections take place. This ultra-nationalist and populist party focuses the political debate almost exclusively on insecurity and immigration problems but also develops the traditional themes of the extreme right (France's moral and spiritual decline, the struggle against communist subversion... ). The National Front's electorale has poor sociological caracteristics and largely overlaps the traditional extreme-right. The disenchantment of a part of the electorate of the left, the drifting to the right of an important fraction of the electorate, the rising of xenophobia and racism are the principal causes for the relative success of J.M. Le Pen.

This article gives a survey of the position of migrant workers in the Belgian labor market and social security system. Total employment of migrants has increased from 114,000 in 1954 to 224,900 in 1970. In contrast to overall employment in the Belgian economy, it went on climbing till 1978, up to a 245,900 level. Beyond this year, forecasts point at a slight decrease. Since WWII, the gravity point of the sectoral division of migrant workers has shifted from minig and industry, to industry and tertiary activities. The share of industry in the employment of migrants bas remained relatively stable, in contrast to the tertiary sector, that witnessed a considerable expansion. However, the latter has not contributed substantially to the quality level of the average guest worker's job. On the whole, there is a strong correspondence between the unstable position of migrants in the labor market and their demographic characteristics on one side, their participation in the social security system on the other side. Their young family structure is reflected in a high share in family allowances and a limited appeal to pension funds. Statistical analysis at the aggregate level does not point at discriminatory practices vis-à-vis migrants and their families in social security; but at thedisaggregate level and through the inspection of laws, regulations and international conventions, it appears that non-EEC nationals, with an unstable professional career, do not have the same rights as Belgians or EEC-citizens having a confortable position in the labor market and the social security system. In order to guarantee the rights of the farmer, the author suggests to establish a citizenship entitling to full social security rights after five years of regular residence in Belgium.

Social security systems differ not only in size, hut also in form. These forms have often been more controversial than the size of social expenditure. Different social forces have different conceptions of social security. Here is looked into the post-World War II settlements with regard to social security in Austria, Belgium, Britain, France, Germany, and the Netherlands, with a further glance at Denmark, Italy, Norway and Sweden. It is argued, that the labour movement had a particular vision of social security, which was carried through where the labour had the political majority and was defeated where it was a minority. Postwar developments derive form this settlement, which is more visible in the current crisis than in the 1960s - early 1970s period of expansion.

Throughout the 19th. century and at the beginning of the 20th various European states, including those of Britain, Germany, France and Belgium, undertook fairly similar measures affecting women. These had a bearing on their civic status, political rights and rights at work. The aim of this study is to seek a pattern of these farms of intervention. Though the case of Belgium is used to illustrate this proposed pattern, it can be held valid for other European countries, despite slight differences in their application or the fact that these steps took place at varying dates according to the precise stage of development of the countries concerned.

Widespread consideration of the role of the public sector was bound to develop in a society confronted by a serious economic crisis. The reforms of local government carried out in the 60s and 70s have not led to the strengthening of local authorities and their means, as claimed deceptively in political speeches, hut towards more influence by central government on these authorities and ultimately to its increased power over the administration of society. There is not doubt that the state in its diligence to run almost everything is not only failing in its task of governing hut is also putting society at risk. The administrations which come under the intermediary authorities could form a useful counterforce against the ever present invasion of the state. For reason of its reduced capabilities local government shows the first virtue of not being able to claim hegemony, but also of being an instrument close to the citizen and his control. Furthermore it could manage many tasks in the best way.