Our research on political socialisation of children in Belgium between 12 and 14 years old (sample size: 372) by the technique of Annick Percheron, reveals a great deal of hostility towards the political system. The children were asked to judge of a number of political words. They dislike politicians, the political regime and even the basic democratic principles and institutions. Most children do not make any difference between political theory, but they react even more negatively towards politicians and are also less conservative. The difference in political knowledge and attitudes between boys and girls seems negligible. Children, who belong to the upper middle class, have the best political knowledge, working class children the worst. The latter show great aversion towards the political system, and also towards trade-unions and social action. In generalthey react in a conservative way.

This article argues that the development of the European Parliament (EP) is largely in the hands of the Members of this Parliament (MEPs). Empirical questions are posed whether a) age and prior political experience (parliamentary and ministerial) are determinants of MEPs' levels of activities (number and length of interventions in debates and written questions); and b) MEPs concentrate their activities on those issues where the Parliament has the potential to gain powers. The empirical examination deals with the first three years of the directly elected EP and centres on the British, Benelux and Irish MEPs. Whilst age and prior political experience were found to be important determinants for levels of activities, the activities themselves do not appear to be focusing attention on those issues where the EP has in the past gained powers in line with institutional changes.

This article stems from the assumption that power lies with the President of the Republic in France and with the Prime Minister in Britain. The source of this power rests in the process of direct election to the highest position in the decision making apparatus. As a consequence, emphasis is made on the solitary nature of decision making; explains the differences between the «dignified» and «efficient», parts of the Constitutions; and encompasses the human factor which form part of any assessment of the notion of power.

Based on a study of three Belgian and Dutch government formations, this article examines the relationship between the formation of government coalition's and the formulation of public policy. The government formation process is disaggregated into three stages: the selection of participants in the bargaining process, the negotiation of the governmental agreement and the allocation of portfolios. These stages are then discussed in the context of a schema which focusses on the effects of contextual, relational and outcome components. By modifying assumptions made in traditional coalition studies, the government formation process is seen as involving the transferof issues from institutional arenas to a non-institutional arena in which bargaining processes are used to map and develop issue specific areas of consensus.

The linguistic ratios in the Belgian army are regulated by the Act of July 30. 1938. This Act claimed at a complete equality between both important national languages, in order to put an end to the French quasimonolinguality of the military elite. Although the 1938 Act has been rather ineffective for more than fourty years, the linguistic situation in respect of the Belgian army officers has improved considerably since 1970. A closer cxamination reveals that this principal idea of equality has not been realized as to the field officers and the general officers, but that approximately the linguistic balance is attained among the lower officers.

The independence of Zaïre (formerly Belgian Congo) in 1960, was perceived by many as a symbol. The congolese question, which had a definite influence on the international scene, was quite significant for the Third World and for the U.N.O. who left there one of its most important peace keeping operation. The independence procedure of Zaïre drew also lessons on internal situation. The Katanga secession has played an essential part in the confusion which was associated with the first years of the independence. Analysing the mechanisms of the secession makes appear the structural causes of the instability of young states.