In Belgian political rhetoric municipalities are described as the cornerstone of a well-balanced government organization. However, this is not noticeable in the administrative language: municipalities are described as 'subordinate' administrations or 'administrations under tutelage'. Their share in total government expenditure is alarmingly low, 10.8%. The importance of local politics is determined by:- the political will to recognise the municipality as a 'civil society'- the interest in the democratic content of government and the necessity of policy differentiation- the recognition of local government as a laboratory for policy and as a voice of the place community in the national politics. From the perspective of policy-making Belgian municipalities have a mixed profile. First of all, they are 'cultural municipalities': 28.5% of the expenditures are in the educational and cultural sector. Other important expenditures are: roads and utilities (17%) and security (12.8%). Compared to different West-European countries, expenditures for social matters are rather limited (11 %).

This article confronts several theoretical role-models about mayor's behaviour with their own perception. For this purpose, the statistical data is drawn from a survey among Flemish mayors. Mayors perceive the ''father of the community" role as the most prevailing one. This perception is reflected in their timespending. More than 1/4 of their time is dedicated towards activities such as participation in the community life, individual service rendering to citizens and having individual contacts with them. The father of the community' role lives strongly among mayors with a lower educational degree and less among the higher educated ones. It is also more perceived among mayors being recent office-bolders, while the more experienced ones seem more to maintain a certain distance from this role. Moreover, mayors with a lower educational degree are recordholders in having individual contacts with citizens. Finally, no relation has been found between roleperception and timespending on the one hand and party background on the other hand.

From the analysis of the social background of the local elected people in Flanders during the period 1946-1988 one can conclude that there are barriers for women, lower social classes and certain age categories preventing them from moving up the local political elite. The democratization process of the Flemish local political elite bas not yet made much progress. It appears from the fact that men are more numerous in political fonctions, that the distribution among the various professional categories strongly deviates from the general social stratification and from the conclusion that certain age categories are clearly dominant. It is however clear that the composition of the elites neverfully reflect society as a whole. On the other hand, the important fact is that the differences cannot be reduced to smaller variances which inevitably go together with any representative system.

The way politicians get in contact with local polities in Flanders bas been examined based on the sociological distinction between ascribed and achieved status positions. Politically active relatives were considered characteristic of ascribed local mandates. Membership of different associations was seen as a way of personally achieving a local mandate. The results indicate that a combination of both was most frequently occuring. In spite of popular convictions, family was still quite important to get in contact with politics. This is shown in the high rates of respondents having politically active relatives. Next to this, a lot of political involvement occured via participation in a diversity of associations. Participations considered were membership, diligence and officeholding in a political party, a union, a health insurance organisation, an advisory body and all other political or non-political associations.

The municipalities in the Capital Region of Brussels have the same legal statuts as the other Belgian municipalities. Yet the political reality is quite different, and requires a different approach. Three specific aspects of the Brussels municipalities are discussed. They are bilingual, which leads to very specific strategical problems. Moreover the power relations between parties fluctuate a lot in Brussels. And finally the small size of the Region leads to an incremental 'emptying' of a number of local competencies by the powerfull political executive of the Region.

In Belgian historical research a lot of attention is given to local politics, also by the activities of local amateur historians. This research mostly bas a very limited scientific finality because the local political past is taken in isolation. 'Glocal history' requires representative data. Within a broader perspective one can consider the local political past in a global context. This 'global history' sees the local level as a field in which to analyze the political, social, economic and cultural developments in relation to each other. At the same time the local political sphere is considered a link between the individual citizen and higher political authorities. Local political structures act as a buffer between the citizen and (inter) national policy and are at the same time a grounds for experimentation.

The shift towards performance management is a key trend in pilot OECD countries. It implies that market type mechanisms are used, that managers appear inside administrations, that decentralisation results in more autonomy for organisations and policies. Flemish local governments are also subject to some of these trends. In this article a special focus is on the organisational proliferation and the related difficulties to consolidate policics and management. The development of financial instruments should facilitate this, but is not ready to cope with most of the conditions to integrate management and policies. This results in a structural problem and an element of failure for a sustainable modernisation.

Since several elections since 1991 were won by an extreme right political party, especially in the Flanders and in the city of Antwerp, polities has responded with an increase in attention for environmental and social policies. In a first reaction - and after a longstand period of budget cuts - more money was invested in the building ofsocial housing. Later this policy was broadened to a more comprehensive policy for the cities, trying to integrate the brick-and-mortar approaches with welfare policies. In this contribution three things are put into perspective. The first deals with the rise of the urban problems. A second part deals with the new policies who are implemented today. These are territorially targeted at poor neighbourhoods. In a final part these policies are situated in a regional context since the liveability of the central cities can not be seen without its regional context, since very often the more wealthy people are living outside the administrative boundaries while the vulnerable social groups are living in the older inner city neighbourhoods.

The local security policy aims at improving the quality of life and the security ofthe local community, based on the expectations of that community. One ofthe instruments for the local authorities to reach this aim is the local police force's assistance. Police strategies exist on the levels ofprevention, intervention, tracing of criminals, preservation of the public order, victim treatment and neighbourhood development. Sense of responsibility in the field, job rotation and smooth internal communication act quite stimulatingly, both in the community-aimed first-line care and in public assistance. The changing police structure in Belgium through which the state police are allowed to take up basis police tasks produced a number of bottlenecks as well asa number of opportunities. Municipalities play a major role in matters of public order and security in which the municipal police occupy a central place. Fluid cooperation between the major and the corps commander in a permanently innovating structure will certainly lead to a thorough and excellent community policing.

This account of poverty and deviance during recent times in the city of Antwerp compares situations of the 1930's with present times. Undoubtedly social security prevented, since the end of the war, that many people feit into poverty. Still in the presence of massive unemployment, public relieve organisations, such as the O.C.M.W. (Municipal Centre for Health Care and Social Welfare) are more and more confronted with what is called precarity. About 25% of the Antwerp population is estimated to be living in a precair situation. After glancing on the near future and warningfor a number of social challenges, the article insists very much on preventional politics and coordinated total development projects in the depressed areas.

Gent is the second largest flemish city, which entails typical metropolitan issues such as the concentration of underprivileged and migrant workers. Its educational network of city schools therefore has a far greater proportional share of migrant students than other schools. The local public education network, by definition has the strongest ties with the local community. Having lifted obstacles of open or concealed discrimination, it still remains difficult to assess what determines school choice, for native pupils as well as for pupils of foreign origin. It is therefore necessary to part from the assumption that education of migrant children is necessarily of inferior quality. City schools start from the basic idea that high quality education is obtained by getting the best out of every child in accordance with his or her talents. Gent has chosen to work with heterogeneousgroups. Social and racial segregation does not prepare students adequately for "real life" in society. This concentration of pupils of underprivileged and deprived origin implies that one necessarily has to keep education as inexpensive as possible.

Considering cultural policy it is very important to have a multi-level policy concerning cultural facilities and an active involvement of the citizen at local level. To optimize local cultural policy one should aim for an interactive or complementary policy. This means that each policy level has to take its own responsabilities; that there has to be a mutual consultation between all policy levels and a mutual reinforcement of the policy effects at each level. The role of local governments is to provide for basic facilities and to install efficient frameworks for consultation and cooperation. Future challenges are the reinforcement of cooperation between cultural actors and to support innovating work.